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How April 2 polls are critical for LTTE

By P.K. Balachanddran
Assuming that the internal war in the LTTE between supremo Velupillai Prabhakaran and his sacked eastern commander, Colonel Karuna, is not resolved one way or the other within the next few days, the April 2 elections to the Sri Lankan parliament will become a major battleground for the two.


Each side will strive to show that it has the support of the people of Batticaloa-Amparai (BA) district by getting the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) candidates to tout its line.


The Prabhakaran group will ask the people to reject Karuna's Eastern regionalistic or sectarian line, and instead, opt for "Tamil unity", or unity between the Tamils of the North and the Tamils of the East for the sake of fighting the common enemy, namely, the Sri Lankan state and Sinhala majoritarianism which that state allegedly represents.


But the Karuna group will ask the voters to support its move to get for the BA district and Eastern Tamils, justice from Northern Tamils, who allegedly dominate both the LTTE and the various institutions in the East.


While Karuna called candidates of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) from BA district, for a meeting in his office at "Meenagam" deep inside his territory in Batticaloa on monday, the northern TNA leader, Mavai Senadhirajah said in Jaffna that Northern TNA leaders would go to BA district to campaign for the party there. This is in view of the distinct possibility that Karuna may not allow local pro-unity, pro- Prabhakaran elements do any electoral work.


Political observers in Battcaloa told Hindustan Times that the Northern leadership of the TNA and the pro-Pabhakaran faction will ask voters to vote for the TNA list as a whole and refrain indicating individual preferences. This will prevent candidates loyal to Karuna from getting into parliament.


Under the Sri Lankan electoral system when the voting is for the whole party list and not for individual candidates in that list, the party executive can nominate any party man to parliament.
But the Karuna group is expected to ask the voters to indicate the preferences in the party list because many of the those in the list are Karuna's nominees.


Thus, political observers expect intense political activity in BA district, even as Prabhakaran makes efforts to politically marginalize or even physically silence or eliminate Karuna.


For both Prabhakaran and Karuna, the elections are important. Prabhakaran has to prove that his claim to be the "sole" representative of the Tamils has not lost its basis because of "individual" Karuna's revolt. And Karuna has to prove that he has the support of BA district in his campaign against a perceived Northern domination. He has to prove that he did not have a personal axe to grind when he raised the banner of revolt and split the LTTE and that he did not revolt only to prevent being dubbed a corrupt and high handed man.


Because of the peace process which began in February 2002, both the Tamil war lords have been constrained to look for and prove their political legitimacy and public acceptability through democratic elections under international monitoring.


The Prabhakaran group would want to avoid a situation wherein a section of TNA MPs owing allegiance to Karuna, could enter into a deal with the "war mongering" anti-LTTE Freedom Alliance (FA) led by President Chandrika Kumaratunga. The Prabhakaran group is exploiting Karuna's demand for a separate Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) between him and the Sri Lankan government, and his attempts to forge links with the Sri Lankan Army to dub him as a potential ally of the FA in parliament and Sri Lankan politics.


The media loyal to the United National Front (UNF) led by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe is alleging that Kumaratunga has already established a link with Karuna and that Karuna had come to Colombo to meet her.


On its part, the FA, through one of its constituents, Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), has accused the UNF government of having a secret understanding with the Prabhakaran group. The JVP Supremo Somawansa Amarasinghe has openly accused the UNF regime of not making use of the split in the LTTE to isolate Prabhakaran.


The anxiety in both the Prabhakaran and Karuna groups to use the forthcoming elections and parliamentary politics is understandable also in the context of the wide expectation that the April 2 elections will bring into being a hung parliament. In case there is a hung parliament, both the major parties, the FA and the UNF, will be vying for the support of smaller parties like the TNA and any split in the TNA will only reduce Prabhakaran's bargaining power and clout, while it will increase Karuna's.


Karuna will get his hands on the levers of power at least in so far as BA district is concerned. And Prabhakaran will have to be satisfied as a Northern regional satrap rather than an all-Tamil potentate, which is what he wants to be.


Character assassination as a political tool


Primarily because the Prabhakaran group cannot, as yet, do any political work in BA district, it has resorted to tarnishing the image of Karuna by levelling serious charges of betrayal, corruption and moral turpitude against him.


A full page article in the Sunday Virakesari dated March 14, lists the Prabhakaran group's charges against Karuna. The author "Chathriyan" says that Karuna had for long been utilizing the opportunities provided by an unsuspecting Prabhakaran to amass a private fortune as well as to create an administrative and military structure in BA district, which would be loyal to him personally.


Chathriyan alleges that Karuna was using LTTE funds to invest in private business in areas under his influence and control. He has invested in fisheries, a bakery, a lodge and an eating house. He has floated his own newspaper too.


According to Chathriyan, an intelligence report about Karuna's questionable private activities was submitted to Prabhakaran as far back as three years ago. The intelligence unit chief, and Prabhakaran loyalist, Pottu Amman, had tipped off Prabhakaran about it. But the supremo still believed that Karuna was not capable of doing the things alleged.


The report in "Virakesari" alleges that Karuna had sent off his wife and children to Malaysia several months ago and that he had been sending Sri Lanka Rs 20 lakhs per month for their upkeep. Based on adverse reports from BA district, the LTTE's finance-in-charge, Tamilenthi, told Karuna that unless he came clear in an investigation, further funds would not be sent from the central exchequer in Kilinochchi. DBS Jeryaraj, writing in "Sunday Leader" of March 14, said that Kilinochchci was sending to BA district SLRs one crore per month for expenses. But this was stopped.


On the basis of information provided by the auditor sent by the Kilinoichchi leadership, Prabhakaran asked Karuna to come over to his headquarters to answer charges. Karuna kept giving excuses for not going to see the Tiger's chieftain.


When the heat on him began to increase, Karuna decided to act. On March 3, he said he was splitting from the LTTE and that in matters concerning BA district, the army must deal with him and not Prabhakaran. He also asked for a fresh Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) with him.


Chathriyan alleges that Karuna also asked the 600-strong Jayanthan brigade, a unit raised by him from the East, stationed in Muhamalai in north Wanni, to cross over to the army-checkpoint and surrender to the Sri Lankan forces for repatriation to BA district.But the commander of the unit, got in touch with Prabhakaran's headquarters, which put paid to Karuna's efforts to get them over.


The Prabhakaran group then summoned all the leaders in BA district to come over to the Wanni immediately. Almost all the top brass, including the chief military trainer, Naresh Master, left in a few days, leaving Karuna virtually without a political or military second line. It is said that all Karuna has, now, is an army of 6000 cadres, many very young kids.


(Courtesy Hindustan Times March 15)