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kuruvikal · 04-15-2004, 02:27 PM

விசுவமடு துயிலும் இல்லத்தில் நீலனின் வித்துடல் விதைப்பு

மட்டக்களப்பு மாவட்ட புலனாய்வுத்துறை துணைப் பொறுப்பாளர் லெப்.கேணல் நீலனின் (சீனித்தம்பி சோமநாதன்-ஆரையம்பதி-3 மட்டு) வித்துடல் இன்று மாலை விசுவமடு மாவீரர் துயிலும் இல்லத்தில் பூரண இராணுவ மரியாதைகளுடன் புனித விதைகுழியில் விதைக்கப்படும்.

மட்டக்களப்பில் இருந்து எடுத்து வரப்படும் வித்துடல் இன்று காலை புதுக்குடியிருப்புக்கு வந்து சேரும் எனத் தெரிவிக்கப்படுகின்றது.

இன்று பிற்பகல் இரண்டு மணிக்கு புதுக்குடியிருப்பு மாவீரர் மண்டபத்தில் வித்துடல் மக்களின் வணக்கத்திற்காக வைக்கப்படும் இதனையடுத்து வித்துடல் விசுவமடு மாவீரர் துயிலும் இல்லம் எடுத்துச் செல்லப்படும்.

இதேவேளை கருணா குழுவினரால் படுகொலை செய்யப்பட்ட மேஐர் தமிழீழனின் (சதாசிவம் திருக்கேதீஸ்வரன் - மகிழவெட்டுவான், ஆயித்தமலை-மட்டு) வித்துடல் இன்று இலுப்பையடிச்சேனையில் மக்களின் வணக்கத்திற்கு வைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. தொடர்ந்து தாண்டியடி மாவீரர் துயிலும் இல்லத்தில் இம்மாவீரரின் வித்துடல் விதைக்கப்படும்.

மேலும் மட்டக்களப்பில் துரோகி கருணாவால் கடந்த 10 ஆம் திகதி கப்டன் மாவேந்தன் (திருநாவக்கரசு புவனேஸ்வரன், இறாலோடை காயங்கேணி-மட்டு), கப்டன் நம்பி (தர்மலிங்கம் பத்மநாதன், மாதவன் வீதி, கல்முனை -3 அம்பாறை), ஆதரவாளர் மோகன் (கருவங்கேணி-மட்டு) ஆகியோர் சுட்டுக் கொல்லப்பட்டமை தெரிந்ததே. 

நன்றி: ஈழநாதம் ; நன்றி புதினம்...!

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கருணாவால் கொல்லப்பட்ட புலிகளின் உளவுப் பிரிவினர்

புலிகளின் தாக்குதலையடுத்து தப்பியோடிய கருணாவின் படையினர், புலிகளின் உளவுப் பிரிவினர் 5 பேரையும் பிரபாகரனின் ஆதரவாளர் ஒருவரையும் சுட்டுக் கொன்றுள்ள விவரம் இப்போது வெளியாகியுள்ளது.

விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் மட்டக்களப்பு மாவட்ட உளவுப் பிரிவின் துணைத் தலைவர் நீலன் சின்னதம்பி என்பவரை கருணா சுட்டுக் கொன்றுள்ளார்.

அதே போல தமிழ்ஈழன், மாவேந்தன், நம்பி, வர்ணகீதன் ஆகிய விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் உளவுப் பிரிவினரையும், புலிகளின் ஆதரவாளரான மோகன் என்பரையும் சுட்டுக் கொன்றுள்ளனர்.

இவர்களை மீனகம் முகாமுக்கு பேச்சுவார்த்தைக்காக அழைத்த கருணா, பின்னர் நீலனை மட்டும் தனியே பிரித்து கைவிலங்கிட்டு சிறைப்படுத்தியுள்ளார். அவரைத் தாக்கி விசாரணை நடத்திய கருணா, கடைசியில் தப்பியோடும்போது மருதம் முகாமில் வைத்து சுட்டுக் கொன்றுள்ளார்.

அப் பகுதியை புலிகள் கைப்பற்றியபின் உள்ளே சோதனையிட்டபோது, கைவிலங்கிடப்பட்டு, கண்கள் கட்டப்பட்ட நிலையில் நீலன் இறந்து கிடந்தார்.

நீலனின் உடல் இன்று பொது மக்கள் பார்வைக்காக மட்டக்களப்பு பள்ளியில் வைக்கப்பட்டிருந்தது. விடுதலைப் புலிகள் இயக்கத்தின் முக்கியத் தளபதிகள் உள்பட ஏராளமான பொது மக்கள் அவரது உடலுக்கு அஞ்சலி செலுத்தினர்.

அவரது உடல் வன்னி பகுதிக்குக் கொண்டு செல்லப்பட்டு மாவீரர் சமாதியில் அடக்கம் செய்யப்படவுள்ளது.

அதே போல கொல்லப்பட்ட மற்ற 4 உளவுப் பிரிவினரின் உடல்களும் தண்டியடி மாவீரர் சமாதியில் அடக்கம் செய்யப்பட்டது.

thatstamil.com

kuruvikal · 04-15-2004, 02:44 PM

Straw Man: Karuna's revolt was overstated and its defeat welcome.

Apr 15, 2004, 15:11 [Tamil Guradian Editorial]

When the LTTE's then Special Commander for the Batticaloa- Ampara district declared in early March that he was splitting from the movement and establishing a separate administration in the eastern region, the development was described as the movement's most serious crisis to date. Karuna's revolt was thus enthusiastically welcomed by the LTTE's detractors who rejoiced in what they considered was not only a serious blow to the movement's structure and strength, but a veritable dilemma for its leadership: with Karuna claiming - or more rightly, sympathetic media claiming for him, control of five thousand cadres and their arsenal, LTTE leader Vellupillai Pirapaharan, it seemed, had to choose between ceding southern Tamil Eelam to the renegade or engage in a mutually destructive internecine war.

The LTTE's repeated assurances the crisis was 'temporary' and that it would be resolved 'without bloodshed,' whilst intended to calm nerves in the Tamil community, both in the homeland and in the Diaspora, inevitably reinforced perceptions that the movement, well known for its iron discipline, was incapable of dealing with the problem. Perhaps those comments also emboldened Karuna, whose rebellion, while defended in lofty terms of challenging regional discrimination and seeking peace, was in reality prompted by his imminent dismissal for conduct singularly unbecoming of a senior commander in a liberation movement. Karuna confidently paraded before the international media and put the LTTE's eastern cadres on show, while issuing what was clearly an open challenge to the movement's leadership.

Which is why the LTTE's lighting offensive over the Easter weekend came as such a surprise, even to those gleefully heralding the onset of bloody fratricide in the east. In just four days the LTTE secured all of the territory Karuna had claimed control over and recovering almost its entire inventory of weapons and supplies. Moreover, it did so with minimal casualties amongst combatants and civilians. The greatest crisis that the LTTE is said to have faced thus ended abruptly - no doubt to the bitter disappointment of those opposed to the Tamil struggle. Karuna's revolt turned out to be, as the LTTE described it last month, a 'temporary aberration.' Nevertheless, its ending has been greeted with relief and joy by the Tamil community and the New Year celebrations this week have received an unexpected fillip. The LTTE has already begun the tasks of reestablishing a civil administration and reorganising its military forces in the area. The renegade commander's whereabouts, meanwhile are uncertain, but it widely believed he and a handful of close associates have sought refuge with the Sri Lankan military.

The LTTE is yet to comment officially on this weekend's developments, except to declare its re-established dominance in the eastern region. But amid reports that Colombo has offered Karuna sanctuary, it is worth bearing in mind that the LTTE's declared two weeks ago: "We should let it be known to his contacts that they will cause irreparable damage to the peace process they exploit Karuna's dissent." The LTTE waited till after Sri Lanka's
Parliamentary elections, which its proxy party, the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), was expected to (and did) sweep to launch its offensive. This not only underlines the confidence the movement had it in its own capabilities but also outlines the movement's priorities with regards to advancing the Tamil liberation struggle. The quelling of Karuna's rebellion removes one obstacle to the peace process. The ease with which it was done, meanwhile, underlines the unity and resolve of the Tamil people, as far as our struggle is concerned.

tamileelamnews.com

kuruvikal · 04-15-2004, 02:50 PM

Why Karuna's efforts fell flat 

PK Balachanddran
Colombo, April 15

[size=14]When he raised the banner of revolt against the LTTE chief Velupillai Prabhakaan in early March, the breakaway Eastern Commander, Col Karuna, had 6,000 men under him. The array of weapons in his hands was impressive, with artillery and heavy mortars to give the punch.

The Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) between the Sri Lankan government and Prabhakaran prevented the latter from sending his forces to quell the rebellion because, under its clauses, there could be no transfer of arms and armed men across government-controlled territories. And persons of doubtful loyalty fled and joined Prabhakaran in far away Wanni. All this had left Karuna with total control over 1,700 sq km of territory in Batticaloa and Amparai districts.

Karuna himself was known as a very experienced Commander, whose exploits against the Sri Lankan Army's Operation "Victory Assured" and the LTTE's own operations code named "Unceasing Waves", had become legendary. It was his military prowess, which had made Prabhakaran appoint him Special Commander for Batticaloa and Amparai with unprecedented autonomy. Karuna had used the two years of peace to collect money, through fair means and foul, and recruit thousands of children for combat roles in military units under his command.

He had built a mini empire for himself. And yet, after a whole month, when Prabhakaran did send small bands of saboteurs and Special Forces numbering a few hundreds, Karuna's structure fell like a house of cards. Those who set much store by Karuna's "invincibility" were shocked. His units fled from the forward lines on the banks of the Verugal River and in the coastal villages and landing points at Kathiaveli and Vaharai. His units gave up without a fight. Karuna was under the impression that the Sri Lankan Navy would not allow Prabhakaran to send men and material through sea, but obviously, the navy had turned a blind eye to the movements.

Karuna pulled back the remnants of his forces to the six or seven bases in the Thoppigala jungles west of Batticalao, thinking that he would be safe there because Prabhakaran's forces would not be able to cross the government-controlled areas without violating the CFA. But to his consternation, Prabhakaran's men entered the Thoppigala area. Clearly, the Sri Lankan Army had winked at the crossings.

In the event, when he knew that the game was up, and it was time to flee the district itself, Karuna executed those he had held under custody, and asked others to leave. When they hesitated, he burst grenades to force them to flee. "He wanted to shed all excess baggage," observed a Batticaloa-based journalist. Abandoning all the arms and ammunition in the Beirut and other camps, Karuna fled with his close associates numbering less than twenty. He is believed to be somewhere in Sri Lanka in the safe custody of the Sri Lankan armed forces. It is learnt that efforts will be made to find him a safe haven abroad, on the condition that he does not indulge in any political activity.

Prabhakaran's offer to let him go abroad and lead a civilian life, still stands. No assured sources for long term supplies Asked why the 'mighty' Karuna could not hold on even for 72 hours, a military expert in Colombo said: "Karuna knew that he did not have the resources, whether military or financial, to carry on a long term conflict with Prabhakaran. To carry on a long-term campaign, there should be an assured supply armaments, ammunition and money. He might have realized that nobody had come forward to guarantee these."

The Sri Lankan Armed Forces, on which he was counting, did not help him. He might have thought that he would be able to get India on his side, when he condemned the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi and declared that he had Neelan, one of the plotters of the assassination, in his custody. But India did not fall for the bait, and kept aloof. Karuna tried to curry favour with the United States by giving news to an American agency in preference to others. But this did not cut ice with the US as the American Ambassador in Sri Lanka dubbed any talk US backing for Karuna as "baloney". The Sri Lankan political parties, which the LTTE said were behind Karuna, also did not come to his aid.

Even the anti-LTTE United Peoples' Freedom Alliance (UPFA), which won the April 2 parliamentary elections, did not support Karuna. "It's an internal matter of the LTTE," said UPFA spokesman Mangala Samaraweera said. Even the virulently anti-LTTE Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) did not utter a word on the Prabha-Karuna stand off. The United National Front (UNF), which was closely tied to the Prabhakaran faction, was understandably silent. No one wanted a confrontation with Prabhakaran Such reticence, across the political spectrum, was due to the fact that all the parties in Southern Sri Lanka wanted the peace process to resume. And the peace process meant resumption of talks between the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE led by Velupillai Prabhakaran.

The entry of a third party, like Karuna, was unwelcome. In fact, the pre-election caretaker government led by President Chandrika Kumaratunga had refused to conclude a separate CFA with Karuna. The UPFA government wanted to resume peace talks to get foreign aid, which was linked to the resumption and progress in the peace process. The pledged aid amounts to a whopping USD 4.5 billion. Though India is not an active participant in the peace process, in the same way as Norway, European Union, Japan or even the US are, it wants the peace process to continue so that it can promote India-Sri Lanka trade and investment and participate in the reconstruction work in the war-torn Tamil North East. It has no interest in creating divisions in the LTTE.

The Western countries have been dealing with Prabhakaran and would prefer to restrict their dealings to him rather than deal with a multiplicity of rebel groups. There is thus, an unmistakable global interest in restoring peace and stability to Sri Lanka. But Karuna did not grasp this. He was labouring under the mistaken notion that those who had a history of conflict with the LTTE led by Prabhakaran would automatically come to his aid. Homework not done Karuna had also not done his homework or the necessary groundwork before raising the banner of revolt. He imagined that he could re-kindle among the people of the Eastern districts of Batticaloa and Amparai, a feeling of being dominated by Northern or Jaffna Tamils. It took him a while to realize that the feeling of being discriminated against no longer existed.

In the past thirty years, the eastern districts had progressed, despite the war. And the northern districts had definitely slid in economic and social terms due to the war. The 20-year hot war against the Sri Lankan state, polity and the armed forces had also blunted or submerged intra-Tamil differences and created a single "Tamil identity" in its place. No wonder then that Karuna's appeal to revive the Northeast conflict found no takers.

Quite early in the rebellion, Karuna suffered some grievous losses in terms of leaders and military commanders, noted a senior journalist of Batticalao. Karuna's entire second line, both political and military, left him and joined Prabhakaran within the first few days of the revolt. Those he was left with, like Jim Kelly Thatha, Robert, Visu or Thurai, were no matches for the likes of Ramesh, Ram, Nagesh, Ramanan, Kausalyan or Karikalan, who were more experienced. Karuna was left with very young children (some 13 and 14 and mostly under 18 ) who he had forcibly recruited in the past two years. It is not certain if these were adequately trained for battle. When confronted by older men in battle these kids gave up, said an aid worker who saw this for himself in Vaharai.

Psychological operations rather than guns worked Prabhakaran's men also indulged in a lot of psychological operation in the month before the Good Friday assault on April 9. Infiltrators told the cadres that the revolt was pointless besides being anti-Tamil. Informed sources said that Prabhakaran's people had contacted even high level commanders like Robert, to impress upon him that the conflict was uncalled for and that if they crossed over they would be pardoned. In fact, for a whole month, it was dinned into the ears of the cadres that none of them except Karuna was a traitor, and that those who wanted to re-join the mainstream or leave the organization, were welcome to do so. They would not be hunted down and killed. This had an effect over time. "When the attacks came, the resistance just caved in. There was very little fighting.

When Prabhakaran's men landed in Vaharai, the LTTE's camps were empty. There was no will to fight. Even the commanders were demoralized," said a source. Obviously, Karuna had been in a frightful hurry to revolt. He had not done a study of the financial and military resource requirements of a long drawn out conflict with Prabhakaran. He had not taken into account the emerging national and geo-political situation. And if some outside forces had promised him help, these had clearly left him down. Prabhakaran proves he is the top dog and the conflict leaves Prabhakaran more powerful than he was before. He had successfully quelled a major revolt within his own organization.

The myth of his "invincibility" will gain strength as a result of this. He had correctly sized up the strengths and weakness of Karuna, and had taken the rights steps, at the right time to bring his downfall. He did this with minimum force and with very little bloodshed, as promised. This is bound to enhance his image among the Tamils as a person who not only executes a job efficiently but also keeps his word.

Hindustantimes.com and Tamileelamnews.com

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[size=18]திட்டம் தோற்ற பின் Hindustantimes க்கு வந்த ஞானமோ...என்னவோ....????!

kuruvikal · 04-15-2004, 03:14 PM

Where to, Sri Lanka?

by Nagalingam Ethirveerasingam, Ph.D.;
published April 15, 2004

[size=14]The Voters have elected members of Parliament (MP) and parties who differ on the path and the form of the solution to resolve the Tamil National Question (TNQ). In this essay I will lay out what I think are possible pathways for moving forward toward resolving the TNQ given the results of the parliamentary election this month.

The main constituents of the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) are the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the Janatha Vimukthi Perumuna (JVP), the National Unity Alliance (NUA), a Muslim party, and The Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) with one Tamil MP who supports the SLFP on the TNQ. The Jathika Hela Urumiya (JHU) is a new party of Buddhist Monks whose policies on the TNQ are similar to that of the JVP, though they remain outside the coalition. In the opposition are the United National Party (UNP), the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), the Ceylon Workers Congress (CWC), the Upcountry Peoples Front (UPF), and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) - a supporter of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The manifesto of the UFPA and all other parties advocate lowering the cost of living, increasing employment, effecting economic development and ushering in peace. All the parties, however, differ with respect to the method and form of resolving the TNQ to achieve peace.

The TNA's manifesto is for the GOSL to begin discussion with the LTTE to establish an Interim Self Government Authority (ISGA) with LTTE majority, and to explore a federal solution within the principles: Tamils are a nation, the NorthEast is their traditional place of habitation, and they have the right to internal self-determination.

The people from the three communities have expressed their choice of parties and their manifestos. There is no clear majority or mandate to a path to the solution or for any specific solution, though everyone wants peace on their own terms. Though the people want a lower cost of living, increased level of employment and economic development, their choice indicates the path to war with or without the realization that war will increase the cost of living, unemployment and economic and human catastrophe. The elected leaders are faced with the choice of negotiating a solution or returning to war. Will the elected leaders rise up to the challenge and begin negotiated peace with the LTTE or restart the war and destruction of the whole country? They do still have the choice find a mutually agreeable path to negotiate a solution.

Table 1 (click here to see [url=http://www.sangam.org/articles/view/?id=316]Table 1) identifies some of the issues involved in solving the TNQ and attempts to predict how each of the parties would vote if the issues came to Parliament today. The prediction is based on what the leaders of the parties have said publicly and in their parties' election manifestos. An even better method of finding out what each party's position is would be for an independent researcher to ask the MPs or their leaders. Some parties are grouped together in the Table based on their position on the approach to resolving the TNQ. I have chosen short timeframes for the discussions based on the current political dynamics in the South.

Though the political will of the people is expressed in giving nearly 106, or two thirds of the Island's 160 electorates, and 14, or two third of the Island's 22 electoral districts, to the UPFA, there is no collective mandate given by the 160 electorates for negotiation with the LTTE for a federal solution or for an LTTE-majority ISGA. The collective mandate is to lower the cost of living in my opinion. On a solution to the TNQ the 160 electorates are as divided as the constituent parties of the UPFA.

Options where there are less than 113 votes majority will never be considered, as that would be a show of no confidence on the government in power. Options where the LTTE/TNA disagrees will end up in impasse and possible resumption of war. The only options that will have a chance of majority agreement are the options where the LTTE/TNA will agree and would get the support of more than 149 votes. The options 1 and 2 under Issues, and option 1 under Solutions are the ones that the UNP and SLFP may support and on which the LTTE and its supporters in Parliament may agree.

There is a possibility that:

1. The privately-held position of the UNP and the SLFP is that neither would do anything to let the other party stay in power or that will make the party in power to lose its power. Knowing the majority Sinhala voters' will, as expressed in the last two elections, the UNP will probably not support any solution that the SLFP proposes and vice versa. Nor can they afford to support Issues Options 1 or 2.

2. The UNP will wait until internal dissension within the UPFA, which has already started, rips the party at its frayed seams.

3. If the SLFP and UNP chose Option 1 or 2, some members within the SLFP and UNP may abandon the parties to protest the choice of option 1 or 2, causing re-alliance and formation of a new government to oppose options 1 and 2. This may cause chaos that would lead to widespread demonstrations, riots and resumption of war.

4. The LTTE may not want to resume talks on the ISGA with the GOSL unless there is firm assurance that at least 149 members of Parliament would support such discussions. The agreement of 149 MPs, one third of Parliament, is required to change the constitution.

5. Current military and political events indicate to me that the status quo may not last more than three months before a new government is formed or the ceasefire breaks down.

The question before the MPs and their electors is "Are there 149 MPs, irrespective of their party affiliation, to support one of the two viable options above and put the resultant agreement to the people in a referendum?" If there is not enough support, then they and the people who elected them have chosen resumption of war to solve the Tamil National Question. The voters knew that when they voted for lowering of the cost of living, increase in employment and economic development while fighting a war to maintain a unitary government is not possible. Their vote indicates that they refuse to accept federalism as a solution to end the war and usher in peace even after 20 years of war.

Political maneuvering, military alliances, constitutional machinations, mental gymnastics and religious and ethnic myths will not make the Tamil Nation disintegrate or disappear. Are there other options that the LTTE and 149 of the MPs would agree on? This is the challenge to the voters and their representatives now. Changing governments, Presidents and Prime Ministers over the years has not brought us any nearer to a solution. They have only illustrated in tragically graphic terms that the two nations cannot live together under one parliament.

Is it time now for us to explore a way to peacefully separate and continue to explore to unite on equal terms for mutual benefit? The last two years have shown us that, under mutually acceptable initial conditions, constructing a path is feasible for a final peaceful outcome. 

END

sangam.org

kuruvikal · 04-15-2004, 03:37 PM

இந்தச் செய்தியினை வாசித்தே சிறிலங்காவின் மறுப்புகளின் பின்னால் உள்ள உண்மையை அறியலாம்....!

தேசத்துரோகி கருணாவும் அவரின் வால்பிடிகள் சிலரும் (மொத்தமாக 20 பேர் வரை) ஆறு சிறிலங்கா இராணுவ வாகனங்கள் புடை சூழ தம்புல்ல-கொழும்பு வீதி வழியாக கிழக்கில் இருந்து தம்புல்ல வந்து...(உல்லாசப் பிரயாணத்துறைக்கு முக்கியமான இடங்களில் தம்புல்லவும் ஒன்று)...உல்லாச விடுதி ஒன்றில் இரவு 10.00 மணிக்கும் 11.00 மணிக்கும் இடையில் உணவருந்திக் கொண்டு கொழும்பு சென்றதாக கண்ணால் கண்ட சாட்சிகளை மேற்கோள் காட்டி கொழும்பு ஊடகங்கள் இன்று செய்தி வெளியிட்டிருக்க...(உண்மையாக இச்சம்பவம் நடந்ததுள்ளது கடந்த திங்கட்கிழமை...!)... வழமை போல் சிறிலங்கா சிங்கள அரச படை அது பற்றி தமக்கு ஒன்றும் தெரியாது என்று மறுப்பறிக்கை விட்டிருக்கிறது...!

அது மட்டுமன்றி தம்புல்ல வந்த கருணாக் கும்பலுடன் ஒரு முக்கிய அரசியல்வாதியும் இருந்ததாக கண்ணால் கண்ட சாட்சி கூறியுள்ளது....!

இது சிறிலங்காவும் சில அந்நிய சக்திகளும் வரதராஜப் பெருமாள் (இந்தியா)..டக்ளஸ் தேவானந்தா(பிரேமதாசா)...ஆனந்த சங்கரி(சந்திரிக்கா)....போன்ற துரோகிகள் வரிசையில் இப்போ கருணாவையும் இணைத்துக் கொண்டுள்ளன....எதிர்காலத்தில் அவரவர் தமது தேவைக்கு ஏற்ப இவரையும் பேரினவாத சிங்கள இனவெறியை தமிழ் மக்கள் மீது காட்டவும் மாற்றுக்கட்சி அரசியல் சன நாய் அகம் நடத்தவும் பயன்படுத்தலாம்....!

:evil: :roll: :evil:

[size=16]SLA denies giving protection to fleeing renegade

[TamilNet, April 15, 2004 14:03 GMT]

The Sri Lanka Army (SLA) Thursday denied reports in the Colombo-based media that SLA forces provided escort to the renegade commander Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan known as Karuna to a destination in Colombo when he fled from his hideouts in the eastern province following a military operation by the Liberation Tigers against him, sources said.
The SLA issued a press release to this effect Thursday afternoon signed by its military spokesman, Colonel Sumedha Perera.

Colombo media Thursday carried news reports quoting eyewitnessesaccompanying the Karuna group, sources said.

The Ministry of Defence in a press release Thursday denied the media reports as totally false.

The full text of the press release follows:

"The attention of the Ministry of Defence has been drawn to reports appearing in the local media that the Sri Lanka Army has provided escort to Vinayagamoorthy Muraleetharan, better known as Karuna to a destination in Colombo after the clash he has had with the LTTE Vanni faction.

"The Ministry of Defence categorically denies the truth of this report. Karuna has not requested the Sri Lanka Army for refuge, nor have the security forces undertaken any such movement as speculated in the media.

"The Ministry of Defence wishes to state that none of the security forces are aware of the present whereabouts of Karuna and his senior cadres."

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 12:21 PM

'புலிகளை பலவீனப்படுத்தலாமென அரசு நினைப்பது பகற்கனவு\" முன்னாள் விமானப்படைத்தளபதி ஹரி குணதிலகா கூறுகிறார்.

[size=9]வீரகேசரி வெள்ளிக்கிழமை, 16 ஏப்பிரல் 2004,

[size=14]புலிகளின் உள்வீட்டு நெருக்கடியை சாதகமாக பயன்படுத்துவதில் தென்னிலங்கை அரசியற் கட்சிகள் முனைப்புடன் ஈடுபட்டு வருகின்றன. இந்த நெருக்கடியை பயன்படுத்தி புலிகளின் தலைவர் பிரபாகரனை பேச்சுவார்த்தை மேசையில் பலவீனப்படுத்தலாம் என்று பெரும்பாலான சிங்கள அரசியற் கட்சிகள் பகற் கனவு காண்கின்றன என்று ஓய்வு பெற்ற முன்னாள் விமானப்படைத்தளபதி ஹரி குணதிலகா கூறினார்.

கருணாவை சுலபமாக வெற்றி கொண்டதன் மூலம் பிரபாகரன் தற்போது பெரும்பலம் பெற்றுள்ளார். பேச்சுவார்த்தை மேசையிலே அவர் ஒரு போதும் பலவீனப்படப் போவதில்லை என்றும் அவர் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

பிரபாகரனின் தலைமைத்துவத்துக்கு எவ்வித அச்சுறுத்தல்களும் இனி ஏற்படப் போவதில்லை. அரசாங்கத்தின் நடவடிக்கைகள் சமாதான முயற்சிகளுக்கு முட்டுக்கட்டைகளாகவே இருக்கின்றன என்றும் அவர் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார்சுதந்திர முன்னணி அரசாங்கமும் அதன் பங்காளிகளும் புலிகளை பலவீனப்படுத்தும் முயற்சிகளையே முன்னெடுப்பதால் சமாதான முயற்சிகளை விரைவில் முன்னெடுப்பதற்கான சாத்தியக் கூறுகள் குறைவாகவே உள்ளன என்றும் அவர் எதிர்வு கூறியுள்ளார். 

நன்றி புதினம்...!

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 12:28 PM

கருணா தரப்பு தளபதி பாரதிராஜ் புலிகளுடன் மீண்டும் இணைவு

[size=9]வீரகேசரிவெள்ளிக்கிழமை, 16 ஏப்பிரல் 2004, 

தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் வாகரை மீட்பு நடவடிக்கையின் போது காயமடைந்த கருணா தரப்பு தளபதிகளில் ஒருவரான பாரதிராஜ் புலிகள் அமைப்பில் மீண்டும் இணைந்துள்ளார்.

மட்டக்களப்பு போதனா வைத்தியசாலையில் சிகிச்சை பெற்றுவந்த இவர் பாதுகாப்பு காரணங்களினால் தற்போது மகிழடித்தீவு வைத்தியசாலைக்கு மாற்றப்பட்டுள்ளார்.

கருணாவை மட்டுமே தலைமை அமைப்பிலிருந்து நீக்கியதாகவும் அவரின் நிர்ப்பந்தம் காரணமாக செயற்பட்டு தற்போது தப்பி வந்தோர் விரும்பினால் புலிகள் அமைப்பில் இணையலாம் அல்லது குடும்பத்தினரோடு இணைந்து இயல்பு வாழ்க்கைக்கு திரும்பலாமென்று பிராந்திய அரசியல்துறை பொறுப்பாளர் இ. கௌசல்யன் தெரிவித்தமை குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.

நன்றி புதினம்...!

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 12:30 PM

கூட்டமைப்பு எம்.பிக்கள் 22 பேரும் 20 ஆம் திகதி புலிகளுடன் சந்திப்பு

தமிழ்த்தேசிய கூட்டமைப்பின் 22 நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களுக்கும் விடுதலைப் புலிகளின் தலைமைக்கிடையிலான சந்திப்பு எதிர்வரும் செவ்வாய்க்கிழமை கிளிநொச்சியில் இடம்பெறுவுள்ளது.

இச்சந்திப்பில் வடக்கு-கிழக்கில் இருந்து தெரிவான 20 நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களும் தேசிய பட்டியல் மூலம் தெரிவான மா.க.ஈழவேந்தன், ஜோசப் பரராஜசிங்கம் ஆகியோரும் பங்குபற்றுவர். கூட்டமைப்பின் எதிர்காலச் செயற்பாடுகள், விடுதலைப் புலிகளும் கூட்டமைப்பும் இணைந்து முன்னெடுக்கும் திட்டங்கள் ஆகியன தொடர்பாக இந்தச் சந்திப்பில் விரிவாக ஆராயப்படவிருக்கின்றன.

கூட்டமைப்பின் நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர் குழுக்கூட்டம் இன்று கொழும்பில் இடம்பெறவிருக்கின்றன. இக்கூட்டத்தில் கலந்துகொள்வதற்காக வடக்கில் தங்கியிருந்த சகல நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களும் நேற்றுக் கொழும்பு சென்றடைந்தனர்.

சபாநாயகர் தெரிவு மற்றும் தெற்கு அரசியல் நிலை தொடர்பாக இக்குழுக்கூட்டத்தில் விரிவாக ஆராயப்படவிருக்கின்றது. மட்டக்களப்பு மற்றும் அம்பாறை மாவட்ட நாடாளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களும் நேற்றுக்கொழும்பை வந்தடைந்தனர் எனத் தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டது. 

நன்றி புதினம்...!

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 12:41 PM

சனாதிபதி சந்திரிகா பண்டரநாயக்க குமாரதுங்காவின் நம்பிக்கைக்குரிய ஆலோசகரும், சந்திரிகா குமாரதுங்கா அமைக்கப்போகும் அமைச்சரவையில் முக்கிய அமைச்சுப் பொறுப்பை ஏற்கவுள்ளவருமான லக்ஸ்மன் கதிர்காமர் ஒரு அதிஸ்ரமற்றவர்.தன்னுடைய விசுவாசத்தை எப்படித்தான் காட்டினாலும் அவரையும் ஒரு எல்லைக்கு அப்பால் நகரவிடாது தடுப்பதில் சிங்கள பேரினவாதம் குறியாக இருப்பது தற்போது தெளிவாகவே வெளிப்படுத்தப்பட்டுள்ளது.
என்றும் சிங்கள பேரினவாதம் தமிழ் இனத்திலிருந்து அந்த மக்களின் குரல் என்ற பெயரில் அவர்களுக்கு எதிரான சில கோடரிக் காம்புகளைப் பயன்படுத்தி தமிழ் மக்களின் பிரதிநிதிகள் என்ற கோதாவில் கருத்துச் சொல்ல மட்டுமே சில தமிழர்கள் தேவை.

மற்றும்படி இலங்கையின் அரசின் உயர்பீடங்களை அலங்கரிக்கும் அளவுக்கு அவர்களிற்கான வாய்ப்புக்களை வழங்க எந்தச் சிங்கள கட்சிகளும் தயாரில்லை என்பதே யதார்த்தம்.

இந்தப் பதின்மூன்றாவது நாடாளுமன்றத் தேர்தலின் முடிவுகள் வெளிவரமுன்னரே சந்திரிகாவின் தலைமையிலான ஜக்கிய சுதந்திர மக்கள் முன்னணியின் சார்பில் பிரதமராக லக்ஸ்மன் கதிர்காமர் நியமிக்கப்படலாம் என சனாதிபதி சந்திரிகாவின் தரப்பிலிருந்தும் தகவல்கள் வெளியாகியிருந்தது.

ஆனால், தற்போது பிரதமாராக மகிந்த ராஜபக்ஷ நியமிக்கப்பட்டு லக்ஸ்மன் கதிர்காமர் புறந்தள்ளப்பட்டுவிட்டார்.

லக்ஸ்மன் கதிர்காமர் பிரதமராக நியமிக்கப்படாததற்குக் கூறப்படும் நொண்டிச்சாட்டு அவர் நேரடியாக மக்களினால் நாடாளுமன்றத்திற்குத் தெரிவு செய்யப்படவில்லை என்றும் அவர் தேசியப்பட்டியல் மூலம் தெரிவுசெய்யப்பட்ட ஒருவர் என்பதாகும்.

ஆனால் உண்மை அதுவாக இருக்க முடியாது இலங்கையின் நாடாளுமன்றதில் ஒரு தமிழர் பிரதமராக நியமிக்கப்பட்டுவிடலாம் என்ற காழ்ப்புணர்ச்சி மட்டுமே.

இதனை அந்த சட்டத்தரணி கதிர்காமருக்கும் புரியாமல் இருக்கப்போவதில்லை. ஆனால் அவரின் தொங்கிப்பிழைக்கும் எஜமான விசுவாசம் கண்டு கொள்ளப்போவதில்லை.

இதற்கு முதல் இலங்கையின் பொலிஸ்மா அதிபராக இருந்த ஆனந்தராஜாவிற்கும் ஒரு தமிழர் என்ற வகையில்தான் பொலிஸ்மா அதிபராக இருப்பதற்கான பதவி நீடிப்பு வழங்கப்படாது ஒதுக்கப்பட்டார்.

இப்போது கதிர்காமர் வரலாற்றின் தமிழினத் துரோகிகளான இவர்களுக்கு அவர்கள் சார்ந்த இனம் வழங்கும் தண்டனைகளை விட அவர்கள் யாருக்கு விசுவாசமாக இருந்தார்களோ அவர்களே இவர்களுக்கு வழங்கிய தண்டனையாகும்.

கதிர்காமரின் கனவுகள் எத்தனை கலைந்து போயின முதலில் ஜக்கிய நாடுகள் சபைக்கான பொதுச் செயலாளர் பதவி, பின்னர் பொதுநலவாய நாடுகளின் அமைப்பில் செயலாளர் கனவு, இப்போது பிரதமர் கனவு.

போகிறபோக்கில் மிகவிரைவில் நாடாளுமன்றில் கதிர்காமர் வாய்விட்டே பாடக்கூடும் கனவே கலையாதே..... என்று.

வேழினி ஈழநாதம்.

நன்றி சூரியன் டொட் கொம்...!

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 01:49 PM

<img src='http://newsimg.bbc.co.uk/media/images/40046000/jpg/_40046325_tam.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image'>

Sri Lanka's Tamil Tiger rebels have adopted a poisonous lily as their official flower.

They are urging people in the north and east of the island - the Tamil Tiger stronghold - to grow the flower in their homes.

They want people to wear the karthigaipoo, or gloriosa lily, on occasions of national significance.

The Tigers have fought a near 30-year campaign for Tamil self-determination in the north and east of the island.

Deadly poison

The gloriosa is a yellow and red flower with tendril-like petals, which blooms mainly in the rebel-held areas.

Its colours are the same as those of the Tamil Tiger flag - which has a picture of a roaring tiger in front of a crossed pair of rifles encircled by a round of bullets.

This particular lily also shares another characteristic with the Tamil Tiger fighters - it is deadly poisonous and eating any part of the flower, vine or root can cause death.

It is used by those wishing to commit suicide.

Many Tamil Tiger fighters wear a cyanide capsule around their neck to avoid being captured alive by the Sri Lankan army.

TamilNet, the pro-rebel website, says the organisation wants residents of the north and east to grow what it is calling its national flower in homes, business premises and educational institutions.

bbc.com

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 02:04 PM

The Renegade Leader and the failed Media predictions

[size=9]Apr 16, 2004, 09:27 [TNS]

The split is the biggest blow to the rebel group since it began its insurrection in 1983.- AP, March 4th

The LTTE has suffered a severe blow with the breaking away of its military leader from the East, Karuna from the organization. Daily News, March 4th

The request [for a separate ceasefire agreement] underscored the problems with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) despite the Tiger leadership in the north of country saying they were only facing a temporary crisis that would be resolved soon- Sify News, March 5th

that raises the possibility of the de-merger of the north and east something the Tigers have traditionally opposed- BBC, March 5th

The Tigers downplayed what is considered the biggest challenge to its leadership after an internal rift was made public by Mr. Muralitharan three days ago.It is a problem concerning a single individual, the LTTE's political wing leader, S.P. Tamilchelvan, said after reading out the decision of the central committee. - The Hindu, March 6th

The number of fighters under `Col.' Karuna's command is not known, but estimates place them between 6,000 and 8,000 well-trained troops, including the most-feared `Jayanthan Brigade,' which overran the Elephant Pass. - The Hindu, March 6th

But the biggest gun battle the battle for the East is yet to unfold after LTTE's Eastern Military Wing Leader V. Muralitheran alias Col. Karuna broke ranks with the northern leadership this week. - Daily Mirror, March 6th

The two sides are bracing for a bout if internecine war as Prabhakaran's elite troops are moving to the east to strike Karuna. - Daily Mirror, March 6th

Karuna also controls between 6,000 to 8,000 troops and is certainly a force to reckon with in his own terrain that however has been infiltrated by the northern leadership.- Daily Mirror, March 6th

The Karuna revolt could lead to some kind of breakaway warlordism, `reformed' or otherwise, in a region where he has wielded overwhelming military power. - The Hindu, March 8th

Tamilchelvam, the leader of the LTTE's political wing, dismissed the split as a problem concerning a single leader. But it is much more.- Asia Times, March 9th

Rifts within the LTTE have never resulted in a chunk of the organization breaking away. That has become a real possibility today.- Asia Times, March 9th

Some analysts believe that the current crisis is likely to split the LTTE along regional lines, with the eastern wing rallying behind Karuna.- Asia Times, March 9th

He [Karuna] is said to have considerable support in the east and is seen as someone who has raised issues of concern to eastern Tamils.- Asia Times, March 9th

The likely fratricidal fighting could draw the Lankan armed forces into the conflict and that in turn could result in the ceasefire agreement unravelling.- Asia Times, March 9th

As a man who has had many bitter experiences while commanding major battles against the Sri Lankan army, he says he is not afraid of death. And he is not alone.- BBC, March 11th

There will certainly be an impact. They cannot function without me. Even if they do, they cannot be strong, Karuna said in an interview to The Hindu, March 13th

It's official now! The monolithic Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) has cracked.- Sunday Leader, March 14th

Ramesh, the man who is nominally replacing Karuna says that the people and movement are behind the national leader and that this poor bloke Karuna is all alone. Funny, then why is he sitting in Kilinochchi instead of being in Mattakkalappu driving the lone rebel out.- Sunday Leader, March 14th

Given Karuna's strength and courage it could be a long drawn out protracted struggle without any decisive victory.- Sunday Leader, March 14th

Though some senior Eastern tiger leaders such as Karikalan, Ramesh, Kausalyan, and Ram have deserted Karuna and fled to the North, the rank and file remains loyal. He has around 7,500 fighters in the East and by all accounts is ready to battle his erstwhile comrades if necessary. - The Hindu, March 15th

Karuna will not be forgiven nor will he go down without a fight. Given the LTTE's track record the commencement of a protracted Eastern bloodbath seems inevitable at some point of time. Whatever the outcome there is no doubt that the LTTE will be considerably weakened as a result. - The Hindu, March 15th

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam today continued to downplay its severest crisis, maintaining that the split engineered by its regional military commander, V. Muralitharan (also known as `Col.' Karuna), was "an individual's problem." This would not affect the organisation and would be "brought under control very quickly." - The Hindu, March 21st

Karuna has a large number of cadres with him. He controls territory. He enjoys the sympathetic support of significant sections of eastern society- Sunday Leader March 21st

Whatever the outcome of this confrontation, the LTTE will be weakened. Even if killed Karuna will be a martyr to the east.- Sunday Leader March 21st

The LTTE could never again be the fighting machine that it was in the east in particular and Sri Lanka in general.- Sunday Leader, March 21st

If they attack us, we are ready and they will regret their action, he said. We have enough weapons and cadres to beat back the other side. Muralitharan's brother tells the AP, March 24th

The schism threatens to scuttle delicate peace negotiations between the Tigers and the government, and the risk looms of an internecine Tamil war, correspondents warn.- BBC, March 26th

He has shaken the LTTE to its very foundations and has caused the Tigers irredeemable harm.- Sunday Leader March 28th

Instead of making eastern Tigers abandon or turn against Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan alias Karuna as expected the ultimatum has only helped to strengthen his position among his loyal cadre it is reported.,- Sunday Leader, April 4th

Hundreds of cadres who opted to be neutral initially have now revised their stance and are rejoining Karuna.- Sunday Leader, April 4th

The situation however is taking a turn for the worse and there is every possibility that a fratricidal bloodbath could occur.- Sunday Leader, April 4th

Nevertheless around 500 to 600 cadres will continuously remain loyal to Karuna through thick and thin it is presumed.- Sunday Leader, April 4th

The LTTE used only to resolving issues on a military level had misjudged the eastern mood completely.- Sunday Leader, April 4th

Karuna is a survivior with staying power with thousands of battle-hardened fighters under his command who have largely remained loyal in his eastern redoubt.- Toronto Star, April 4th

Yes, if the division continues, it has weakened them, there is no doubt about it. If Karuna continues to oppose Prabhakaran, it will certainly be a problem for them. They will certainly be a weakened force. -Lionel Balagalle in an interview to Rediff, April 5th

Karuna's attitude is different. He doesn't take taxes, he doesn't want to abduct people, he doesn't want to kill people. He has stopped all that. - Lionel Balagalle in an interview to Rediff, April 5th

However, with a major battle not ruled out, the possibility of the toll rising towards the end of the present phase of the LTTE's first and most serious internal battle is not ruled out.- The Hindu, April 12th

Karuna's defence against allegations of personal and financial misconduct is that if it were so, he would have fled and not stayed on to assert his position.- Frontline, V21.7

I want to spend my final days here, said the 37-year-old, who joined the LTTE 20 years ago, in the aftermath of the 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom.- Frontline, V21.7

tamileelamnews.com

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 02:06 PM

Why Karuna ran: Story of showmanship and suckers

[size=9]Apr 16, 2004, 04:18 [By Tharaki]

Why did Karuna fall so quickly and so ignominiously? Sections of the Colombo and international media that were swept off their feet by forty long days of his remarkable showmanship are obviously chagrined. So the nagging question uppermost in the minds of assorted Sinhala nationalists and sober scribes who were equally dazzled by the renegade commander's theatre is: Why did he give up and run as fast as he did?

First we should ask what gave him the confidence to raise the flag of revolt against the ruthless military machine of Velupillai Prabhakaran? Certainly, Karuna knew that the weaponry in his possession was no match for the heavy artillery guns and mortars in the Vanni. His ammunition supplies were limited. The military high command in Vanni had unlimited supplies and the means to bring in more. The sophisticated and modernized command and control systems of the LTTE were also based in the North. He was not familiar with the development of these systems in the last two years, though he had heard of them through his colleagues. Karuna was also aware that new weapon systems had been acquired by the LTTE in the Vanni.

Yet he was so confident that he could hold his own in the Batticaloa-Amparai districts. He believed that the geography of the East and provisions of the ceasefire agreement between Colombo and the LTTE were in his favour militarily. The areas that he controlled in the East were completely isolated from the Vanni by large wedges of land completely dominated by the Sri Lankan armed forces, from Weli Oya to Seruwila. There was absolutely no way for the LTTE to transport its heavy weapons, ammunition and troops overland to prepare and mount even a limited challenge to his authority in the Batticaloa district.

He was also sure that under the provisions of the ceasefire agreement the Tigers could not transport whole battalions without negotiating with the Peace Secretariat and the military; and that sans artillery or heavy mortars, things could not get worse than a prolonged period of standoff and skirmishes confined to the Vakarai region even if the LTTE were to mass a battalion or two on the Northern banks of the Verugal river.

The capacity of the Sea Tigers, as far as Karuna was aware at the time, was not adequate to transport the big guns and mortars and tons of shells safely along the coast in violation of the cease-fire agreement. He assumed on the basis of his experience that the Sea Tigers were not in a position to do more than two or three runs to the east coast with military hardware and troops without alerting the Sri Lanka Navy.

The Tigers had another handicap that suited him. They had only one geographically limited piece of land - sandwiched between Poomarathadichenai in Seruwila and Mavadichenai on the northern banks of the Verugal River to mass troops and military supplies to launch and sustain any offensive into the northern corner of the Batticaloa district. The area could be supplied only by sea and the choppy waters off its coast are not easy on vessels unloading military cargo.

Secondly, even if the Tigers succeeded in crossing the Verugal River and infiltrating the Vakarai region, it was not possible for them, according to Karuna's calculations, to cross the Valaichenai-Polannaruwa Road (A 11) without confronting the Sri Lanka army. The A 11 is the Main Supply Route to the Batticaloa district and hence highly secured by the military. The Tharavai-Vadamunai region (Thoppigala jungles) is not accessible to the Tigers by sea. The Eastern side of the region is bounded by a lagoon. The coastal areas beyond this are controlled by the military. Hence Karuna had good reason to believe that the LTTE could enter his stronghold neither by sea nor through the Vakarai region in sufficient numbers and with adequate weaponry plus supplies.

Also, Karuna organized his defences in Vakarai in several layers. Fallback positions and regrouping areas were well planned and established. In fact Karuna had boasted to a foreign journalist who was patently awed by the renegade commander's cool style that the LTTE leadership didn't know the art of defence warfare. So there he was sipping orange juice, having breakfast while chatting to media men as the cameras clicked away, seemingly unfazed by the military might of the Vanni.

While the Good Friday edition of the Island newspaper which carried an extensive interview with Karuna was coming off the press, a barrage of 120 mm mortars from beyond the northern banks of the Verugal hit all the defence layers of Karuna's troops in the northern part of the Vakarai region. The barrage was not intended to kill but to shock, awe and disorient the defenders. Amidst the thick rain of mortar shells, the command and control centre of Karuna's elder brother Reggie who was in overall charge of the defences of Vakarai was captured by a team of LTTE special forces.

Reggie who was at his temporary residence in Kathiraveli, rattled and shell-shocked, took to his heels when he found that the command and control centres of the Vinothan, Visalahan-2 and Anbarasi military units had gone silent.

Three LTTE Special Forces teams had taken these command centres by complete surprise and knocked them out of action before the barrage stopped.

Commanders of the female fighting unit Anbarasi called Savithri and the Vinothan unit called Barathiraj were seriously wounded.

Another Special Forces team ambushed the vehicle in which Jeyam was travelling deep behind the battle lines. Jeyam was the leader of the embryonic Sea Tiger unit that Karuna had established at Kathiraveli.

Meanwhile, troops of the Jeyanthan Regiment, the LTTE's elite infantry formation known for the fierce battles it fought against Operation. Jaya Sikurui, moved into

Karuna's forces were 'boxed in' by the Jeyanthan Regiment before daybreak. On Saturday morning leaders of the LTTE's political division from Batticaloa, who had opposed Karuna and had gone to the Vanni, moved into the box with megaphones calling on Karuna's troops to gather at particular points close to the beach. By noon more than 300 gave themselves up with their weapons.

The overall commander of the operations was Karuna's former deputy Thambirajah Ramesh. (He was promoted to the rank of colonel this week) Meanwhile, Karuna sent reinforcements under Jim Kelly Thaaththa and Rabert in a bid to stop the advance of the Jeyanthan regiment. On Saturday night LTTE's Special Forces struck behind the lines cutting off key supply routes for Karuna's forces in Vakarai. During the day LTTE's Psychological Operations unit that functions under its national intelligence division had started dialogues on the futility of internecine war.

Therefore, two counterattacks organized by Reggie and Rabert late Saturday night fizzled out under the impact of Special Forces manoeuvres and psychological operations. On Sunday morning Karuna's forces abandoned Vakarai in disarray and retreated to the Tharavai-Vadamunai region (Thoppigala).

In a move that the LTTE saw as one intended to protect Karuna, the Sri Lanka army said it was deploying more troops on the A 11 to prevent any major crossing by the LTTE in pursuit of Karuna's troops. In the meantime an LTTE group led by Janarthan, the commander of the military wing in the Amparai district who had been abroad for medical treatment during Karuna's revolt, arrived Sunday night in an area near Thirukkovil, 76 kilometres South of Batticaloa.

A Psy-Ops team and Kuyilinban, head of the LTTE's political division for Amparai district, accompanied Janarthan. They established radio contact with the LTTE's large Kanjikudichcha Aru base. After more than 24 hours of continuous discussions, arguments, counter-arguments, coaxing, persuasion etc., all the unit leaders there agreed to rejoin the LTTE. Not a shot was fired. It was a psychological operations victory.

A group of Tigers led by Karuna's former military intelligence chief, Ramanan, who had entered the southern parts of the Batticaloa District before the Good Friday offensive in Vakarai established control in most areas of the hinterland while the renegade commander was mulling the fall of Vakarai and the Tamil areas of the Amparai district.

But the man still believed that he was safe in the Vadamunai-Tharavai jungles (Thoppigala). On Sunday night there were two LTTE Special Forces strikes in the deep interior, west and northwest of the secret camp where Karuna was planning his defences.

This stunned the renegade commander and his colleagues. The two selective strikes and the precision with which they had been carried out obviously unnerved Karuna. He realised that the LTTE Special Forces that had entered the heart of his defences were something that he could not understand at all.

They were moving fast. Karuna had no time to study and understand this new phenomenon of which he had vaguely heard of during his infrequent visits to the Vanni. The panic wrought by the Special Forces strikes combined with psychological operations aimed at all the unit leaders in the main camps of the Tharavai-Vadamunai jungles made Karuna lose his grip on the forces that were expected to remain loyal to him come what may.

Sunday night the renegade commander fled Batticaloa, accompanied by about a dozen of his trusted friends and lieutenants, including Nilavini, the commander of the LTTE's female fighting units in the eastern district.

His short-lived revolt has actually helped the LTTE emerge even stronger in Sri Lanka's political and military equations.

"We are planning the operations to take out Karuna bloodlessly according to our leader's instructions. We will do it in such a way that others may not even think of raising the flag of revolt in the future even in their wildest dreams," said Ramesh who was promoted colonel this week.

In the media frenzy that followed Karuna's proclamation that he was going to defy the Tiger leader, foreign and local analysts forgot that the men who made him tick as a brilliant commander, including his mentor Mano Master, had abandoned him.

The manner in which Karuna was checkmated is a limited demonstration of the military prowess and sophistication that the LTTE has developed since it signed the cease-fire agreement with the Sri Lankan government two years ago.

Even a seasoned senior LTTE commander like Karuna was not aware of the real capacity of the Special Forces and Psychological Operations units that Pirapaharan had raised during the last two years.

While the Sinhala polity nurses its seemingly incorrigible penchant for always backing the wrong horse on the Tamil side rather than finding a reasonable settlement to the conflict, Velupillai Prabhakaran, in his own quiet fashion, keeps his powder dry, lest anyone should dare take him for a sucker.

tamileelamnews.com

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 02:12 PM

Rifts open up in new Sri Lankan government

[size=9]By Wije Dias and K. Ratnayake
16 April 2004

Even before Sri Lanka's new minority United Peoples Freedom Party (UPFA) government has begun to function, sharp differences have emerged between the two major coalition partners'President Chandrika Kumaratunga's Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP).

An incipient split was on public display last Saturday when the JVP boycotted the formal swearing in of cabinet ministers. JVP leaders have accused the SLFP of failing to consult under the terms of the Memorandum of Understanding that established the UPFA. The eight ministries and deputy ministries set aside for the JVP remain unfilled.

The immediate issue that sparked the tensions was the reallocation of key departments previously under the control of ministries earmarked for the JVP. Kumaratunga herself took over the state-owned Film Corporation, which had been part of the Ministry of National Heritage and Cultural Affairs. Unaware of the decision, JVP MP Vijitha Herath, who had been named as the new minister, gave an interview published in the Sunday Lakbima expounding his views on the development of the film industry in line with national culture.

In addition, the large-scale Mahaveli irrigation scheme was removed from the Ministry of Agriculture, Lands and Irrigation and assigned to an SLFP minister in charge of a newly-created river basin development ministry. The irrigation project covers parts of the central, north central and eastern provinces where tens of thousands of small farmers live. The JVP wanted control of the scheme to extend its influence in these areas, which were a hotbed of protest against the previous United National Front (UNF) government. To add insult to injury, the livestock department was also hived off to another ministry.

The disagreement is not simply about the allocation of ministries and departments, but concerns the direction of the new government. From the outset, Kumaratunga has been determined to ensure that she and the SLFP are firmly in charge. In the April 2 elections, the JVP won 39 parliamentary seats compared to the SLFP's 57, but has been largely pushed to one side since then.

Disagreements first emerged last week over the appointment of Mahinda Rajapakse as prime minister. Rajapakse has a long history of antagonism to the JVP and opposed the formation of the UPFA coalition, arguing instead for a grand alliance with the UNF. As an alternative, the JVP pushed for former foreign minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, but was completely ignored.

Attempts were made to resolve the conflict over the cabinet prior to Saturday's swearing-in ceremony. Two meetings were held one at the president's house and another at the residence of her brother, Anura Bandaranaike's key SLFP figure and a major broker in creating the alliance with the JVP. But no agreement was reached.

According to the Colombo media, JVP leaders complained bitterly over the lack of consultation and the lop-sided character of the cabinet. While 62 of the 66 MPs from the SLFP and other UPFA partners received posts, only eight of the JVP's 39 MPs are in the cabinet. Moreover, the president disregarded the JVP in appointing chairmen to key state corporations such as the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation and the Board of Investments.

Speaking at a rally on Saturday, JVP leader Somawansa Amarasinghe warned the SLFP of serious consequences if it did not act properly. 'If this is not happening, people should use their power of organising against such things by way of protests.' He claimed that the JVP had won more than 50 percent of the vote for the UPFA at the elections. According to the Daily Mirror, the JVP Politburo met over the weekend and resolved to remain outside the cabinet unless the party's demands are met.

While the two parties may work out a temporary compromise, the disagreements underscore the highly unstable character of the new UPFA government. Kumaratunga and the SLFP turned to an electoral alliance with the Sinhala chauvinist JVP as a means of offsetting their own loss of support. Like the UNF, which took office in 2001, the SLFP was responsible for drastic economic measures that seriously eroded living standards during its previous term of office from 1994 to 2001. The JVP was able to capitalise on the alienation from both major parties to significantly boost its vote on April 2 and more than double its seats from 16 to 39.

The collapse of support for the major parties was also highlighted by the JVP's standing in the preference lists. Under the Sri Lankan electoral system, a voter not only chooses a party slate but also indicates a preference for three of its candidates. Once the seats within an electoral district are allocated proportionately to each of the parties, the preferences determine which candidates are elected.

In a result that shocked the SLFP, the JVP topped the preferences in most of the 14 election districts that the UPFA won. In Colombo and Kurunegala, JVP candidates took the first three slots, relegating the SLFP to fourth position. JVP propaganda secretary Wimal Weerawansa received the highest UPFA preference vote in any of the districts and was second only to the former prime minister, Ranil Wickremesinghe. In Anuradhapura, the SLFP district leader H. B. Semasinghe failed to win a seat.

Further conflicts

Two fundamental issues can only compound the tensions in the UPFA coalition and within the JVP itself economic policy and peace talks with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).

Prime Minister Rajapakse has already indicated that the UPFA will not be able to keep its economic promises, which include the creation of 30,000 jobs in three months and a 70 percent salary increase for government employees. He told the Sunday Leader: 'We are going to commence negotiations with all the relevant trade unions. We will explain to them the real situation and how difficult it is to deliver everything that we promised overnight.'

The JVP is also being called upon to play a role. An editorial in the Island on April 12 encouraged the JVP to use its trade union influence to stop strikes and protests. 'The JVP has the potential of eliminating labor unrest,' the newspaper enthused. 'If they do really back the private sector and let them run as good businesses without political interference, they could make the economy tick and build investor confidence.'

However, if the JVP satisfies the demands of big business, as it pledged to do in the course of the election campaign, it will rapidly alienate its base of support among the rural and urban poor, and open up rifts in its own ranks.

As far as the peace talks are concerned, the UPFA has promised to abide by the current ceasefire and to restart negotiations with the LTTE. However, prior to the election, the JVP stridently denounced the peace process and the UNF for 'betraying the country' in talks with the LTTE. Along with the military, the JVP and other chauvinist groups pressured Kumaratunga to move against the government, which was finally dismissed on February 7.

Aware that big business and the major powers do not want a return to war, Prime Minister Rajapakse is seeking to enlist the support of the Indian government to pressure the LTTE to the negotiating table on Colombo's terms. But there is no agreement between the SLFP and JVP over the basis of negotiations. The JVP is hostile to granting any significant concessions to the LTTE and opposes the SLFP's plan for a limited devolution of powers to the wartorn North and East of the island.

Notwithstanding the Island editorial, there is a degree of nervousness in ruling circles about the entry of the JVP into government for the first time. Few take the JVP's 'socialist' and 'Marxist' phrase-mongering seriously. But there are concerns that the JVP may be susceptible to pressure from its base among the rural poor and therefore become an unreliable and erratic alliance partner.

While Kumaratunga cannot avoid relying on the JVP at present, she is seeking other means for shoring up her government. Under the guise of abolishing the country's autocratic and unpopular executive presidency, she is proposing to change the existing proportional electoral laws, which favour minor parties. Kumaratunga has already served two terms as president and is thus ineligible to serve a third. By reverting to a parliamentary system, she is counting on making herself prime minister with extensive powers.

It is not at all clear, however, that the government will be able to make the necessary constitutional changes. With just 105 seats, the UPFA lacks a majority in the 225-seat parliament. Constitutional amendments require either a two-thirds parliamentary majority, or, if only a simple majority is achieved, a referendum. At this stage, Kumaratunga lacks even a simple majority. Most minor parties, which would be wiped out if there were a return to the previous first-past-the-post system, oppose any change.

In the immediate aftermath of the elections, Kumaratunga sought the support of a number of smaller parties, but has only increased the UPFA's numbers by one' from the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP). She is now reliant on the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU), a Sinhala extremist party that fielded Buddhist monks in the elections. The JHU indicated last weekend that its nine MPs would not join the UPFA, but they would support the government from outside.

One of the reasons that Kumaratunga installed Rajapakse as prime minister was to woo the JHU. Unlike Lakshman Kadirgamar who is a Tamil, Rajapakse has close connections to the Buddhist hierarchy.

In an extraordinary move, the president also enlisted the military top brass to win JHU backing. The head of the Sri Lankan navy, Vice Admiral Daya Sandagiri, called on the JHU monks to urge their support for the UPFA. Sandagiri's partisan involvement in the post-election political manoeuvring is one more indication of the openly political role being played by the country's top military leaders.

The government's reliance on the JHU further compounds the difficulty in opening talks with the LTTE. The JHU, like the organisations that formed it just prior to the elections' the Sinhala Urumaya (SU) and the Jathika Sangha Sammelanaya (JSS), is opposed to the ceasefire and any talks with the LTTE. Last year the SU and JSS criticised not only the UNF, but Kumaratunga as well for being too conciliatory and engaged in a series of provocations aimed at triggering a confrontation with the LTTE.

Significantly, one of Kumaratunga's first steps after the elections was to meet with the defeated prime minister, Wickremesinghe. The two leaders had been involved in bitter conflict for months after the president arbitrarily seized control of three key ministries last November. Yet the two-hour meeting on April 7 was officially described as 'cordial' and included discussion on the sensitive issue of the 'peace process.' There is no doubt in the present uncertain situation that Kumaratunga is considering all options, including a grand coalition with the UNF, which sections of the ruling class have been advocating for years.

The inability of Kumaratunga to establish a parliamentary majority and form a stable government is symptomatic of the deepgoing divisions that wrack the entire political establishment in Colombo. The new administration confronts exactly the same intractable contradictions as the outgoing UNF. In this volatile situation, Kumaratunga, with the backing of the military and state apparatus, is increasingly turning to anti-democratic methods of rule.

news.tamilcandian.com

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 02:14 PM

The Sunnis Of Iraq & The Tamils Of Eelam

By: Wakeley Paul

The dynamic of liberation as an excuse for intrusion and interventioninto the territory of another, never inspires prolonged gratitude from those whose territory is invaded. This reality has eluded both Bush in Iraq, andthose Sinhalese Buddhist propagandists, who cover up their Sinhala Buddhist expansionist designs into Tamil territory, by pretending that their nobler objective was to free the Tamils from their own rulers. Democracy involves voluntary choices; it is not an enforced discipline to be endured. Onecannot use the virtue of democracy to enhance well intentioned or illadvised imperialist objectives. Imperialist do gooders or opportunists,should instead, begin to realize the dispiriting effects of occupation, asensation that eludes the imperial intruder. The cardinal principle espousedby the U,N. Human Rights Commission in Geneva that there is no substitutefor self rule, is a concept that every imperialist with laudable or lopsidedgoals, should reach out to appreciate.

While the 9/11 committee ponders over the reasons for 9/11 disaster andseek to find answers to avoid a repetition of such a catastrophe, thepolitics of the situation in Iraq requires a different focus. Regardless of whether the reason for the invasion were WMDs*; or the humanitarian need tofree the Iraqis from the rule of a barbaric dictator; or the need to stabilize the middle east; the fact is the war was waged and won with consummate ease. It is the aftermath of the war that has been devastating tothe conqueror, causing everyone in their midst to tear their hair out todetermine what to do next. The crisis of arguments range from, whether theIraqis are ready to take over on June 30; to, who will take over; to theneed for a continuing American presence and for how long; to calls for moretroops; to a diminished or shared presence; all the way down to a hastened withdrawal. The bottom line that eludes everyone, is that the American prescription for the Iraqis is as off the mark as is the Sinhala Buddhist solution for the Tamils in Sri Lanka

The inexcusable explosion of expenditures in the name of an uncalledfor occupation of foreign territory ignores one fundamental recognition- thevalue and importance of Federalism, as a surrendered substitute for Independence. Just as the Sunnis will resent rule over them by theShi¹ites, the Tamils will reject Sinhala Buddhist domination over themselves. History is often propelled by violent minorities and disgruntled dissidents, and we have undisputed evidence of that here. Other well known examples are the French, American, Russian and Colonial revolutions of theworld.

The Americans gave the Turks a high degree of self governing authorityunder the proposed constitution; but failed to recognize the Sunni right tothe same. They are repeating the mistake the League of Nations made increating and recognizing the nation of Iraq; and the mistake the British made in treating it as an unified entity. The British blundered into thesame error when they left Ceylon as a single and indivisible nation. This inturn gave the radical Sinhalese Buddhists , the unsupportable belief thatthey had a proprietary claim to Tamil territory. They now wear this mythicalveil to rule out Independence as the solution to the incendiary situation inthe island. Today, the thought of granting even a Federal alternative to independence remains a reluctant concession even among Sinhalese moderates.

America has inflamed Iraq and converted it to an incendiary time bomb,by failing to recognize the Sunni right to be a self governing force. Theykeep deluding themselves into blaming outside forces or Saddam faddists forthe raging daily violence, forgetting that it requires local support toinflame these fires. The Sinhala Buddhist extremists suffer the same lack ofvision. They both dance to the same tune of satisfying twisted imperialistdesires. The Americans dream of imposing an unacceptable democracy upon theSunnis while the Buddhist monks and their ilk, insist upon shoving the samedown the throats of the Tamils & Muslims in the Northeast.

The JHU denounces Federalism, demands a de-merger of North & East, andinsists on the right of Sinhala Buddhists to impose their rule on an alienand alienated people. They and their allies, delude themselves intobelieving that they are a self sustaining power with no limits upon theirindependence, while ignoring the fact that they are an integral part of acash strapped economy. The SLFP by contrast, while making peace talks withthe Tamils their high priority, woo the JHU to join them in a desperate bidto form a meager majority in Parliament. They seem destined to drown themselves in their own bathtub of contradictions.

The two k1s, Kumaratunge & Kadirgamar have indulged in fading memories of Indian opportunism and imperial designs, by seeking to let them in; [i]tointerfere, [ii] to intrude upon and [iii] to infuse themselves into the SriLankan body politic.[See quotes in my article on Sinister Strategies] Onecan only hope that the JVP, who shared Mrs K1s desire to make Mr K their Prime Minister, will see through this veil of short sighted self aggrandizement on the part of this two faced twosome. The two K1s areyielding to the Jayawardena temptation of getting the Indians to helpneutralize the LTTE, but knowingly ignore what they will wind up with, by engaging in this dim visioned adventure. The two K1s do not seem to care about the fate of this divided nation, as long as they can clutch on to thewires of power, which seem to elude at every turn and every corner.

Without even a simple a majority in Parliament to satisfy their cravingfor control, they now want to amend the constitution to suit their ambitions**. She wants to be an all powerful all consuming Prime Minister; he to be her close and indispensable ruthless advisor. To this end, they areready to resort to an illegal recourse [ a constituent assembly] to accomplish their aims of amending the Constitution to deny the powerfulPresidency to the UNF leader ever again, while at the same time increasingher power as the intended Prime Minister. Their pretense of peace tocontinue war; their pretense of peace with nothing to offer; their pretenseof peace with a desire to conquer are the hopes and goals of this powerhungry pair Are the insidious objectives of these two shared by the Sinhalesepeople? May God forbid such folly and grant the average Sinhalese theability to see through the inverted patriotism that drives these twoswollen headed aspirants to attain indisputable power.

If the proposed sell out to the Indians were to materialize, theSinhalese will be consumed by Indian ambitions and subject to Indian selfinterest, while the Tamils will be left dangling in a world o fConstitutional uncertainty. The conflict could just spill over into aninconclusive conclusion for the moment.

The Sunnis will suffer the same fate until the Americans shake the treeof their misconceptions about Iraq; until they revamp their ideas and comeup with a tripartite solution. Sri Lanka in turn will remain anirreconcilable powder keg till a division of powers is finally accomplished.

* Weapons of mass destruction

** The Constitution mandates a 2/3 majority in Parliament, not 2/3 of theelectorates or electoral districts that voted, or even a majority in a Referendum without the preceding 2/3 majority in Parliament, for theConstitution to be amended. Mr K , the accomplished lawyer acknowledgedthat the reason for their wearing two hats and forming a constituent Assembly was that they did not have the required 2/3 majority votes inparliament to get a constitutional Amendment. They deliberately ignore thisin their latest propaganda to boost their non existent right to amend the Constitution, in an effort to divert attention from the fact hat they donot even command a simple majority in Parliament

Despite the fact that they are weak and vulnerable, , they have theaudacity to appoint a committee with Mr K as its head, to devise stratagems for illegally amending the Constitution. They indulge in a flurry of arguments that center on the fact that if not for the system of proportional representation, they would have had a 2/3 majority. Unfortunately forthem, they are governed by that system, which is one of their reasons forwanting to do away with it. In a last ditch effort to side step this constitutional impediment, they claim they contested the election promisinga change of the constitution; that they won 2/3 of the electorates andelectoral districts. They keep dwelling upon how they could have won a 2/3 majority without proportional representation; and that they therefore havea mandate from the people to change the Constitution. Echoes of the fraudthat was perpetrated on the country in 1972. Assumed mandates from thepeople are not the basis upon which the Constitution permits Constitutional change. The Constitution mandates first a 2/3 majority in parliament beforethere is a national referendum in the event a change in the structure of the Constitution is sought, not the other way around.

In order to cap this deliberate train of obfuscations, they indulged inthe ultimate in diversion, by ordering a referendum. By what authority tothey to do this? Parliament has not even convened for them to attempt totake such a step. One has rarely witnessed such a fireworks display ofdiversions to obviate the fact that they are a minority government withoutthe power to pass a simple item of legislation without begging for help.What brazenness impels these two psychopaths to talk of a Constitutional Amendment is not beyond understanding. It is consistent with their determination to wield power at any cost, despite the patent illegalitiesthat surround their efforts

I emphasize again, that the sole and exclusive national legislativebody under the 1978 Unitary Constitution is Parliament, not a figment oftheir imagination called a constituent Assembly. Such a body never had andnever can have national legislative power under this Constitution, nor didit have any such power under the Soulbury Constitution, which governed thecountry in 1972.

The Constitutional Court that validated the XIII Amendment of the Constitution, highlighted three fundamentals under that document [i] Thatthe Parliament could devolve power to subordinate and subservient, but notco-equal legislatures, [ii] That the Parliament could only delegate some,but not all of their powers to other institutions, and [iii] That the Parliament always retained the right to withdraw or modify what they devolved. The reason for these constraints on delegation of powers, was that Parliament and Parliament alone was the sole and supreme legislative body inthe land. It also follows from this, without saying, that they cannot delegate any legislative powers that they themselves do not possess. This would obviously be ultra vises the powers vested in them by the Constitution. They cannot therefore authorize a constituent assembly toamend the Constitution by a simple majority when they cannot do sothemselves. This simple axiom should be evident to the simplest of minds,leave alone a Constitutional lawyer of Mr K1s stature and experience.

What the two K¹s are endeavoring to do, is to try to bamboozle thepublic, as her mother did in 1972, with the assistance of another accomplished lawyer gone awry, Dr Colvin R de Silva. The SLFP seems to havea knack of attracting retired lawyers who are ready and eager abandon their ethical obligations and resort to downright dishonesty in order to attain their political goals. Mr K should not merely be despised as an unprinciple self centered politician; he should be disbarred as a an unethical lawyer.You can rest assured that in any other country with an active ethics committee, his shabby tactics as a lawyer in this matter could bequestioned. What saves him however from such an ignominious end, is hisintention to get the approval of the Constitutional Court. Barring this,combined with a relatively non vigilant ethics committee in Srl Lanka, hecould like President Clinton did for other reasons, face possible disbarmentfor deliberately and knowingly taking steps to side step the law and flout the Constitution. This is not a question of legal sophistry. It is a case of downright, bare faced dishonesty.

How the Constitutional Court will decide the issue will depend on whether they are judicially independent or politically swayed

news.tamilcanadian.com

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 02:47 PM

கருணா தரப்பிலிருந்த 'ஜிம்கெலி\" தாத்தா உட்பட சில பொறுப்பாளர்கள் மீண்டும் புலிகளுடன் இணைய விருப்பம்.

கருணா குழுவிலிருந்த 'ஜிம்கெலி" தாத்தா உட்பட சில பொறுப்பாளர்கள் மீண்டும் விடுதலைப்புலிகளுடன் இணைய விருப்பம் தெரிவித்துள்ளதாக புலிகளின் வட்டாரங்கள் தெரிவிக்கின்றன.

விடுதலைப்புலிகள் அமைப்பிலிருந்து கருணா பிரிந்து சென்ற போது இவர்கள் கருணாவினால் முக்கிய பொறுப்பாளர்களாக நியமிக்கப்பட்டிருந்தனர்.

கடந்த திங்கட்கிழமை மட்டக்களப்பை விட்டு கருணா தப்பிச் சென்ற நிலையில், தற்போது கருணா குழுவில் இருந்த பலர் மீண்டும் புலிகளுடன் இணைந்து வருகின்றனர்.

இதன் ஒரு கட்டமாகவே நேற்று முன்தினம் புதன்கிழமை கருணா குழுவில் முக்கிய இடம் வகித்த விசு புலிகளுடன் இணைந்து கொண்டதாகச் செய்திகள் தெரிவித்த நிலையில், கருணா குழுவின் முக்கிய இராணுவப் பொறுப்பாளராகவிருந்த 'ஜிம்கெலி" தாத்தாவும் புலிகளுடன் தொடர்பு கொண்டுள்ளதாகவும் தற்போது இவர் மட்டக்களப்பின் ஏதோவொரு பகுதியிலேயே இருப்பதாகவும் தெரிவிக்கப்படுகிறது.

இவரை வன்னிக்கு வருமாறு புலிகளின் தலைமைப்பீடம் அழைத்துள்ளதாகவும் செய்திகள் தெரிவிக்கின்றன. 

நன்றி புதினம்..!

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 02:49 PM

அவநம்பிக்கையை ஏற்படுத்தும் வகையில் ஐனாதிபதி நடந்துகொண்டுள்ளதாக தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பு தெரிவிப்பு

தமிழ் மக்கள் மத்தியில் தனது நல்லெண்ணத்தை வெளிக்காட்டாது அவநம்பிக்கையை ஏற்படுத்தும் வகையில் ஐனாதிபதி நடந்துகொண்டுள்ளதாக தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்களின் குழுக் கூட்டத்தில் தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.

தமிழ் மக்களால் நிராகரிக்கப்பட்ட டக்ளஸ் தேவானந்தா போன்றவர்களுக்கு அமைச்சுப் பதவிகளைக் கொடுத்ததன் மூலம் இது நிரூபணமாகியுள்ளது என்று கூட்டமைப்பின் இணைப்பாளர் சுரேஷ் பிரேமச்சந்திரன் கூறினார்.

இலங்கை தமிழரசுக் கட்சியின் கீழ் போட்டியிட்டு பாராளுமன்றத்துக்கு தெரிவான உறுப்பினர்களில் 18 பேர் கலந்துகொண்ட கூட்டமைப்பின் குழுக் கூட்டம் பாராளுமன்ற கட்டிடத் தொகுதியில் இன்று பிற்பகல் நடைபெற்றது.

தமிழ் மக்களுக்கான தன்னாட்சி நிருவாக சபை ஒன்றை உருவாக்குவதற்கு தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பிற்கு தமிழ் மக்கள் ஆணை வழங்கியுள்ளமை இந்தக் கூட்டத்தில் பிரஸ்தாபிக்கப்பட்டதாகவும் அவர் கூறினார்.

ஐனாதிபதி அந்த ஆணையை புறக்கணித்து தமிழ் மக்களால் நிராகரிக்கப்பட்ட ஒருவருக்கு அமைச்சுப் பதவிகளை வழங்கியதன் மூலம் சமாதானப் பேச்சுவார்த்தைகளுக்கு ஆக்கபூர்வமான நடவடிக்கைகளை எடுக்கவில்லை என்று அவர் மேலும் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார்.

எதிர்வரும் 22 ஆம் திகதி பாராளுமன்றத்தில் இடம் பெறவுள்ள சபாநாயகர் தெரிவு ஐனாதிபதியால் முன்மொழியப்பட்டுள்ள அரசியல் நிர்ணய சபை ஆகிய விடயங்கள் தொடர்பாக இன்றைய கூட்டத்தில் ஆராயப்பட்டதாக அவர் மேலும் தெரிவித்தார்.

எனினும், இவை தொடர்பாக எதிர்வரும் 20 ஆம் திகதி விடுதலைப் புலிகளுடன் பேசிய பின்னரே இறுதி முடிவுகள் எடுக்கப்படும் என்றும் சுரேஷ் பிரேமச்சந்திரன் குறிப்பிட்டார்.

ஐனாதிபதியின் இத்தகைய செயற்பாடுகள் தமிழ் மக்களை அவமதிப்பதாக அமைவதாகவும், சமாதானப் பேச்சுவார்த்தை தொடர்பாக ஆக்கபூர்வமான முயற்சிகள் எதுவும் எடுக்கப்படுமா என்ற சந்தேகத்தையும், கேள்வியையும் மக்கள் மத்தியில் ஏற்படுத்தியுள்ளதாகவும் அவர் கூறினார்.

இவ்வாறான செயற்பாடுகளை தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் பாராளுமன்றக்குழு வன்மையாகக் கண்டிப்பதாகவும் அவர் சுட்டிக்காட்டினார். 

நன்றி புதினம்...!

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 02:51 PM

மாவடி வேம்பு படையினர் உதவியுடன் கருணாவும் சகாக்களும் சென்றுள்ளனர்.

[size=9]தமிழ்அலை வெள்ளிக்கிழமை, 16 ஏப்பிரல் 2004,

[size=14]கருணாவும் அவரது சகாக்களும் மாவடிவேம்பு சிறிலங்கா படை முகாமுக்கு வந்து அங்கிருந்து பாதுகாப்புடன் பொலநறுவைப்பக்கம் சென்றதாக சம்பவத்தை நேரில் கண்ட பொது மக்கள் தெரிவிக்கின்றனர்.

கடந்த திங்கட்கிழமை பிற்பகல் 7 வாகனங்களில் வந்து வயல் பிரதேசமான கல்லடிச்சேனை என்றும் இடத்தில் ஒரு பஐpரோ மற்றும் இரு பிக்கப் வாகனங்களை வைக்கோலைப் போட்டு தீ வைத்து விட்டு ஏனைய வாகனங்களில் சென்றுள்ளனர். மாவடிவேம்பு இராணுவ முகாமிற்கும் வயல் பிரதேசத்திற்கும் இடையில் உள்ள சூனியப்பிரதேசத்தில் வைத்து படையினரின் பாதுகாப்புடன் முகாமுக்கு அழைத்துச் செல்லப்பட்டு அங்கிருந்து பொலநறுவை நோக்கிச் சென்றதாகவும் பொது மக்கள் கூறுகின்றனர்.

இவர் கொண்டு வந்த வாகனங்களில் ஒரு சிலவற்றை தற்போது படையினர் பாவனைக்குப் பயன்படுத்தப்படுவதாகத் தெரிவிக்கப்படுகின்றது. 

நன்றி புதினம்...!

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 04:03 PM

'International community accepts LTTE as Tamils ' saviour'-Gajendran

[size=9]Apr 15, 2004, 17:10 [TamilNet]

[size=14]The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) parliamentarian from the Jaffna district, Mr.S.Gajendran, said Thursday that the international community has accepted that the Liberation Tigers' military wing safeguards and protects the Tamil people. "Because of this," said the TNA MP, "the international community remained silent, watching the events that took place when the LTTE launched its military operation to retrieve the areas from its renegade commander ('Karuna')."

'President Ms. Chandrika Kumaratunge would not have appointed Mr. Douglas Devananda as Minister if she had a clear vision in finding a political solution to the Tamil national question. Tamil people consider Mr.Devananda as an enemy to their cause and liberation struggle,' Mr. Gajendran said.

In the April 2 polls, Mr.Gajendran was elected in the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchchi ticket with more than one hundred thousand preference votes. Mr. Devananda of the Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) won a seat in the Jaffna district, obtaining only about 18 thousand preference votes, sources said.

Mr. Gajendran, a former president of the Jaffna University Students Union, told TamilNet that the TNA would extend its fullest co-operation to the LTTE in its liberation struggle. "Since the United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) assumed power, President Ms Chandrika Kumaratunge has not contacted the Norwegian facilitators in regard to the resumption of peace talks," he said.

tamileelamnews.com

kuruvikal · 04-16-2004, 05:09 PM

Karuna's colleagues are returning'- Col. Ramesh

[TamilNet, April 16, 2004 16:15 GMT]

<img src='http://www.tamilnet.com/img/publish/2004/04/MeenahamRamesh_24792_200.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image'>
Col. Ramesh at Meenaham

'We will not punish or victimise or persecute anyone who has been associated with Karuna in his traitorous activities. Our leader has instructed us to take a strictly humanitarian approach in dealing with this issue. Karuna's colleagues who fled the district four days ago are contacting us now. They are all coming back. We would soon restore the law and order system and the judiciary', said Col. Thambirajah Ramesh, LTTE's special commander for the Batticaloa-Amparai district speaking to TamilNet at the 'Meenaham' military base Friday.

Col. Ramesh said that measures would be taken to restore normalcy in the east.

'The military will concentrate on its national mission. It will not interfere in the affairs of civil society. Karuna refused to accept that civil society should be allowed to strengthen itself through impartial judicial and law and order structures', he said.

He said that the Thamil Eelam Courts and Police would soon take over all dealing with civil society in the Batticaloa-Amparai district.

Meanwhile, Mr. Selvam Adaikalanathan MP elect for Vanni and Mr. Senathirajah Jeyanandamoorthy, MP elect for Batticaloa and former TamilNet correspondent who visited the LTTE controlled areas of the Batticaloa district Friday met Col. Ramesh at Meenaham and Mr. E. Kousalyan, the head of the Tigers' political division in Batticaloa at his office in Kokkaddicholai to discuss civil society problems arising from the activities of the Karuna Group in the eastern district.

<img src='http://www.tamilnet.com/img/publish/2004/04/Venugopal_24804_200.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image'>

Mr. Venugopal at the Thamil Alai office Friday

Mr. Adaikalanathan and Mr. Jeyanandamoorthy told Mr. Kousalyan they would arrange a fact-finding visit for all the Tamil National Alliance MPs in Batticaloa soon to identify development priorities in this eastern district.

The MPs visited the Thamil Alai office in Kokkaddicholai and had discussion with the newspaper's staff.

Thamil Alai editor Mr. Venugopal explained the oppressive conditions under which they had to publish the paper during the 41 days when renegade commander Karuna dominated the eastern district. He said his staff was held at the newspaper office under threat.

"Bunkers were built at the entrance of the office and there was a military unit stationed here by Karuna to guard the premises round the clock", Mr. Venugopal said.

<img src='http://www.tamilnet.com/img/publish/2004/04/kottavan_24800_200.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image'>

'Kottavan' at the Thamil Alai office Friday

Mr. Kottavan, the cadre appointed by renegade commander Karuna to supervise the Thamil Alai paper and the Paadumeen.com website, told TamilNet that he too had explained to the Tigers the circumstances under which he had been compelled to publish black propaganda against the LTTE and its leadership.

He has been asked to continue his administrative duties at Thamil Alai until the publications division is modernised and revamped, LTTE officials said.

<img src='http://www.tamilnet.com/img/publish/2004/04/Thamilalaibunker_24796_435.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image'>

A bunker constructed on Karuna's orders at the Thamil Alai office entrance in Kokkaddicholai.

<img src='http://www.tamilnet.com/img/publish/2004/04/Adaikalam_24788_435.jpg' border='0' alt='user posted image'>

Mr. Adaikalanathan (L) with Mr. Kousalyan. Mr. Jeyanandamoorthy (centre)

tamilnet.com

kuruvikal · 04-17-2004, 12:12 AM

கருணா குழுவில் செயற்பட்ட ஜிம்கெலி தாத்தா, திருமால் மீண்டும் இணைந்துள்ளனர்.

[size=9]ஐ.பி.சி தமிழ் சனிக்கிழமை, 17 ஏப்பிரல் 2004,

[size=14]மட்டக்களப்பு-அம்பாறை மாவட்டங்களில் கருணா குழுவில் செயற்பட்ட ஜிம்கெலி தாத்தா மற்றும் திருமால் ஆகியோர் மீண்டும் தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளுடன் இணைந்துள்ளனர்.

கொழும்பில் தங்கியிருந்ததாகத் தெரிவிக்கப்படும் இவ்விருவரும், நேற்று, பிற்பகல் மட்டக்களப்பு கொக்கட்டிச்சோலைக்கு சென்று விடுதலைப் புலிகளுடன் இணைந்துள்ளதாக அங்கிருந்து கிடைக்கும் தகவல்கள் தெரிவிக்கின்றன.

அத்துடன் கருணாவின் முக்கிய பொறுப்பாளராக இருந்த துரையும் தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளுடன் இணைவதற்கு விருப்பம் தெரிவித்துள்ளதாக மேலும் தெரிவிக்கப்படுகிறது.

கருணா அணியின்; அரசியல்துறைப் பொறுப்பாளராக இருந்த விசுவும் தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகளுடன் மீளவும் இணைந்திருந்தமை குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.

============================

கருணாவின் சகாக்கள் திரும்பி வருகிறார்கள் - கேணல் ரமேஸ்

கருணாவின் துரோகத்தனமான நடவடிக்கைகளிற்கு ஒத்துழைத்தோரை நாம் தண்டிக்கவோ அல்லது பழிவாங்கவோ போவதில்லை என மட்டு-அம்பாறை விசேட தளபதி கேணல் ரமேஸ் இன்று தமிழ்நெற் செய்தி நிறுவனத்திற்குத் தெரிவித்துள்ளார்.

எமது தலைவர் இந்தப் பிரச்சினையை மனிதாபிமான ரீதியில் அணுகுமாறு எமக்கு உத்தரவிட்டுள்ளார். நான்கு தினங்களிற்கு முன்னர் எமது மாவட்டத்தை விட்டுத் தப்பியோடிய கருணாவின் சகாக்கள் தற்போது எங்களுடன் தொடர்பு கொண்டிருக்கிறார்கள். அவர்கள் எல்லோருமே திரும்பி எம்மிடம் வருகிறார்கள் என கேணல் ரமேஸ் அவர்கள் தமிழ்நெற் செய்தி நிறுவனத்திற்குத் தெரிவித்துள்ளார். 

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